Image source: Al Jazeera
There are ordinary days in a nation’s life, and then there are days that quietly divide history into before and after. March 5, 2026, is going to be one of those days for Nepal. As Russian revolutionary Vladimir Lenin once remarked, there are moments when weeks carry the weight of decades. In Nepal, that sentiment has rarely felt more true than in the wake of the Gen Z protests of September 8, 2025. On that day, a peaceful demonstration led by young citizens against rampant corruption and nepotism turned into a tragedy that left an indelible mark on the nation. The gathering was widely expected to be non-violent, composed mostly of teenagers and students in school uniforms, and occurring in a society where public protest has long been an institutionalized feature of civil life. Instead, it became the deadliest single day in Nepal’s democratic history, claiming more young, unarmed civilian lives than during the entire 2006 pro-democracy movement1. By the end of September, at least 75 had been confirmed dead, with over 2,000 injured2. The protests revealed not only the risks faced by citizens demanding accountability but also the deep social and political structures shaping Nepali governance.
For many young Nepalis, the frustration was not sudden. It had been building over years. Through stalled reforms, limited economic opportunities, persistent migration, and a political culture that often seemed insulated from public accountability. Anthropologist Dor Bahadur Bista described one enduring social pattern as afno manchhe3, that are informal networks of familiarity and loyalty that shape access to opportunity. While such networks can reflect trust and social obligation, they can also blur the lines between merit and favoritism when embedded in state structures. The protesters’ demands centered on institutional accountability and systemic reform. They called for the dissolution of the House of Representatives, a comprehensive constitutional review with broader citizen and youth participation, and fresh elections following an interim period. They also sought investigation into allegedly misused or illegally acquired assets accumulated over the past three decades, alongside structural reform in sectors such as education, health, justice, security, and communications.
Image source: East Asia Forum
It is against this backdrop that Nepal approaches its snap parliamentary elections scheduled for March 5, 2026. The previous general elections were held on November 20, 2022, electing 275 members to the House of Representatives. These upcoming elections unfold within a political system shaped by profound transitions. Nepal unified under the Shah monarchy in 1769, entered the Rana autocracy in 1846, restored limited democracy in 1951, experienced the partyless Panchayat era from 1960 to 1990, and reestablished multiparty democracy in 1990. A decade-long civil conflict from 1996 to 2006 reshaped the political landscape, culminating in the abolition of the monarchy in 2008 and the promulgation of the Constitution of 2015, which formally established Nepal as a federal democratic republic.
The Election Commission has confirmed that 18,903,689 citizens are eligible to vote in 2026, which marks an increase of over 915,000 voters since 2022.4 This rise reflects demographic shifts and new voter registrations, signaling a growing electorate. However, out-of-constituency voting and voting by Nepalis residing abroad will not be permitted, despite a significant share of the population living and working overseas. For many families sustained by remittances, this limitation remains a subject of public debate, particularly in a country where migration has become both an economic lifeline and a social reality.5
Image source: Election Commission Nepal
To safeguard the integrity of the polls, the Election Commission has endorsed a comprehensive code of conduct.6 It aims to ensure free, fair, and transparent competition while minimizing misuse of state resources. Under the code, campaign materials displaying election symbols outside approved contexts are restricted. Campaigning in public institutions is prohibited, and children cannot be involved in election activities. Rallies that obstruct public transportation are barred, and governments at all levels are restricted from organizing inauguration ceremonies during the election period. Government employees, teachers, and public staff are not allowed to participate in campaigns. Campaign hours are limited, with caps on banner sizes, vehicles, and media advertisements. Organizers must provide prior notice to authorities before holding public events.
Importantly, the spread of false or misleading information including through social media, fake accounts, or AI-generated content is prohibited. In an era where digital narratives can travel faster than official clarifications, this provision reflects a growing recognition that electoral integrity extends beyond ballot boxes to online spaces. Violations of the code may result in fines, cancellation of candidacy, or disqualification.
Image source: Online Khabar
Nepal follows a mixed electoral system designed to balance direct representation with inclusivity. Of the 275 seats in the House of Representatives, 165 are filled through the First-Past-the-Post system, where the candidate receiving the highest number of votes in a constituency wins. The remaining 110 seats are allocated through Proportional Representation, allowing political parties to submit closed lists that must comply with constitutional requirements for inclusion of women and historically marginalized communities.
On election day, voters receive two separate ballots: one to choose a constituency candidate and another to select a political party. This dual system attempts to combine local accountability with broader representational diversity. Valid identification is required at polling stations, and ballots are cast in secret to preserve voter autonomy. The significance of these elections lies not only in political arithmetic but in their everyday consequences. The 275 representatives elected will debate and pass laws, approve budgets, and shape policies affecting education systems, public health infrastructure, employment frameworks, social welfare programs, and civil liberties. Decisions taken within parliamentary halls ripple outward into classrooms, hospitals, rural municipalities, and urban neighborhoods.
March 5, 2026, is therefore more than a date on a calendar. It is a checkpoint in Nepal’s ongoing democratic journey. A moment to assess past promises, present challenges, and future directions. The events of recent years have intensified conversations about governance, inclusion, and reform. Elections offer a structured, peaceful avenue to channel those conversations into collective decision-making. History shows that Nepal’s political evolution has rarely been linear. It has advanced through negotiation, protest, compromise, and constitutional redesign. As citizens prepare to cast their ballots, the stakes are both immediate and long-term. Immediate, because parliamentary composition will determine legislative priorities in the years ahead. Long-term, because public trust in democratic processes depends on credible, transparent, and participatory elections
There are days that pass quietly and days that echo for years. March 5 may well be remembered as one of the latter. Democracy does not renew itself automatically; it is renewed each time a voter steps into a polling booth, marks a ballot, and affirms belief in collective governance. The future is shared, and the responsibility rests with each voter to honor that shared destiny through informed, conscientious choice. As 16th U.S. President Abraham Lincoln reminded the world, “The ballot is stronger than the bullet.” The future of Nepal rests with its voters.
- Suwal, S. (2025, November 17). The 2025 Gen Z Uprising in Nepal: A Three-Part Analysis | Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health. Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health. https://hsph.harvard.edu/atrocity-prevention-lab/news/the-2025-gen-z-uprising-in-nepal-a-three-part-analysis/ ↩︎
- 41 injured in Gen Z protests still being treated in 12 hospitals. (2025, September 30). The Kathmandu Post. https://kathmandupost.com/national/2025/09/30/41-injured-in-gen-z-protests-still-being-treated-in-12-hospitals ↩︎
- Bista, D. B. (1991). Fatalism and Development: Nepal’s Struggle for modernization. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=004783102&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA ↩︎
- EC publishes final voters’ roll with 18.9 million eligible voters. (2025, December 27). The Kathmandu Post. https://kathmandupost.com/national/2025/12/27/ec-publishes-final-voters-roll-with-18-9-million-eligible-voters ↩︎
- Out-of-constituency, diaspora voting not possible in March. (2026, January 10). The Kathmandu Post. https://kathmandupost.com/national/2026/01/10/out-of-constituency-diaspora-voting-not-possible-in-march ↩︎
- Election code of conduct comes into effect. (2026, January 19). The Kathmandu Post. https://kathmandupost.com/national/2026/01/19/election-code-of-conduct-comes-into-effect ↩︎